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Black families making $100,000 typically live in the kinds of neighborhoods inhabited by white families making $30,000.
The Case for Reparations by Ta-Nehisi Coates; The Atlantic, May 21, 2014
One cannot escape the question by hand-waving at the past, disavowing the acts of one’s ancestors, nor by citing a recent date of ancestral immigration. The last slaveholder has been dead for a very long time. The last soldier to endure Valley Forge has been dead much longer. To proudly claim the veteran and disown the slaveholder is patriotism à la carte. A nation outlives its generations. We were not there when Washington crossed the Delaware, but Emanuel Gottlieb Leutze’s rendering has meaning to us. We were not there when Woodrow Wilson took us into World War I, but we are still paying out the pensions. If Thomas Jefferson’s genius matters, then so does his taking of Sally Hemings’s body. If George Washington crossing the Delaware matters, so must his ruthless pursuit of the runagate Oney Judge.
The Case for Reparations by Ta-Nehisi Coates; The Atlantic, May 21, 2014

This vid is showing this week’s Crush, S. Epatha Merkerson, in fully fabulous Race Woman mode, discussing her responsibility to Black folks regarding health, gentrification, and representation (including wearing wigs for certain roles).She also talks about her doing a college tour for her new documentary, The Contradictions Of Fair Hopeabout the emergence of African-American benevolent societies. 

Parlour: You talk a lot about the Politics of Pleasure, what does that mean?

Joan Morgan: Much of my work as a feminist revolved around how do we improve black women’s lives. I had been investigating how we talk about black women, particularly in terms of sexuality, without talking about pleasure. Instead, we identify the racial and sexual history, particularly in the United States, and why that history prevents or complicates black women’s sexuality from enjoying a sex positive space.

Feminism is very good at dissecting the politics of respectability and the culture of dissemblance thanks to Darlene Clark Hine. Still, we’re not so good at articulating a language for pleasure, which is crucial for any human being but it plays a critical role in other black women’s issues with which we don’t necessarily make the connection. For example, if we’re talking about black women and the rate of new HIV cases – the percentage of black women among new infections is disproportionately high – but when you look at the prevention, the language is ‘If he doesn’t want to use a condom, tell him to back off’ or, ‘If he really cares about you he’ll use protection.’ The discourse is centered around men’s pleasure.

Parlour: So part of your focus is to illuminate our sexual history, combatting the idea that during the Middle Passage, people were too stressed out to have sex; we were busy trying to survive.

Morgan: Yes, and some scholars are challenging that notion, saying there was probably same sex love during that time and even during slavery. In this way, Caribbean fiction, like Marlon James’ The Book of Night Women, has been really helpful. We often look at Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson are the beginning of the story but there were multiple kinds of sexual relationships that black women had during slavery; involuntary, voluntary, strategic, non-strategic, love. But these conversations have been erased out in order to lay the blame for much of the black female struggle on racism and white supremacy, where it needs to be. I get that but I’m very concerned about what is taken out of the narrative to fulfill that agenda.

"We never expected this. Matter of fact, when we were doing this, we didn’t think it would be iconic. We did it for the importance of the piece. When I was growing up, there was only a paragraph saying, "You were a slave, then Lincoln freed you." The here comes this brilliant man called Alex Haley, and he takes this long journey to find his family, and he and David Wolper and Stan Barkley convince ABC to put it on at a time when it wasn’t fashionable to do so. And—boom!—here we sit. It feels fantastic!"

—Performer Ben Vereen, who played Chicken George in the miniseries Roots, on how it feels to part of such an iconic movie. And hear his and his co-stars Leslie Uggams, Levar Burton, and Louis Gossett, Jr., critique Quentin Tarantino’s Django Unchained


…argues that photography was not incidental but central to the war against slavery, racism and segregation in the antebellum period of the 1850s through the New Deal era of the 1930s.

more, plus a gallery, here.


…argues that photography was not incidental but central to the war against slavery, racism and segregation in the antebellum period of the 1850s through the New Deal era of the 1930s.

more, plus a gallery, here.


Melissa Harris-Perry, rape survivor, sends an open letter to Richard Mourdock







Everyone needs to watch this video, left, right, center, apathetic—it doesn’t matter. This is the very essence of rape illiteracy that is still being fought in 2012.

Share with everyone. You never know who needs these words the most.

I love Melissa Harris-Perry and this is incredibly powerful.

“When we survive sexual assault, we are the gift.”

Brought me to tears.

You need the text of this letter. Man… Melissa Harris-Perry for PRESIDENT.

Dear Mr. Mourdock,

Sometimes I still flinch when I’m touched a certain way, even if it’s the loving embrace of my husband. I can’t stand to watch TV shows where rape is the central plot line. Even some seasons of the year are harder for me. Those of us who are sexual assault survivors call these triggers. We spend our lives — the lives we lead after the attack — avoiding and managing these triggers.

A congressional debate shouldn’t have to come with a trigger warning. But apparently, Richard, yours should. Because in Tuesday’s debate for Indiana’s U.S. Senate seat, you said this Tuesday night during a debate in New Albany, Indiana.

“I believe that life begins at conception…The only exception I have, to have an abortion, is in that case of the life of the mother. I’ve struggled with it myself for a long time, but I came to realize that life is that gift from God. And even when life begins in that horrible situation of rape, that it is something that God intended to happen.”

Rape and sexual assault are complicated experiences for survivors. Some of us fight, kick, scream, and resist at every moment. Some of us eventually give in to save our own lives or to manage the horror. Some of us know that what is happening is rape, others of us just know it is wrong, but don’t have the words to describe why. Some of us push the memories down and try to forget, others of us battle openly with the nightmares and scars every day. There is no one right way to survive. There is no one right way to feel.

As we heal, we learn not to judge ourselves or to judge our fellow survivors, because we learn that judgment can wound as deeply as assault. If a woman finds herself pregnant after a rape, we do not judge the choices she makes.

I am descended from American slaves. I have foremothers who found themselves pregnant with children whose birth increased the wealth of the very man who enslaved and raped them. Somehow, through the angst and misery of that experience some of those women found a way to love and embrace the children they bore from rape. So I do not doubt the compassion or judge the choice of a survivor who carries a rape pregnancy to term.

But the whole point is choice. Consent. You see, Mr. Mourdock, the violation of rape is more than physical. Rapists strip women of our right to choose, of our right to say no, of our right to control what is happening to our bodies. Most assailants tell us it is our fault. They tell us to be silent. Sometimes they even tell us it’s God’s will. That is the core violation of rape– it takes away choice.

Richard, you believe it is fine to ignore a women’s right to choose because of your interpretation of divinity. Sound familiar?

Let me explain something to you. When we survive sexual assault, we are the gift. When we survive, when we go on to love, to work, to speak out, to have fun, to laugh, to dance, to cry, tolive, when we do that, we defeat our attackers. For a moment, they strip us of our choices. As we heal, we take our choices back. We are the gift to ourselves, our families, our communities, and our nation when we survive.

Now let me say this very clearly to you Mr Mourdock, and to all of your shameless endorsers: we did not survive an attack on our consent just to turn around and give up our right to choose to you. Not without a fight.

Are you sure you want to have that fight?



I love this woman.

: sigh :

i just love her. 

Today, most Americans have never heard of Emancipation Day. Even I did not know about the holiday until I began research on the origins of Juneteenth, the unofficial commemoration of the abolition of slavery in Texas in 1865 – a cruel two years after the Emancipation Proclamation. The absence of the formal holidays that explicitly recognize America’s end of slavery is peculiar, for it has not only meant that we forget the cause of our nation’s only civil war, but also the lives and contributions of millions of enslaved African Americans whose labor built our country. In turn, their descendants now have an ambivalent relationship to the nation’s past: we have become civic strangers in our own home.

This is also why the Emancipation Proclamation occupies such a unique place in our pantheon of America’s democratic texts. Unlike Thomas Jefferson’s excising of slavery from his final draft of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, or last year’s slavery-free reading of the Constitution by House Republicans, the Emancipation Proclamation is both a site of slavery and a symbol of American freedom. As a stubborn reminder of our founding paradox and redeemer of our violent racial past, it is inherently more deliberative, sincere and ultimately closer to the practice of democracy than its predecessors.

In our era of new racial disenfranchisement – biased voter ID laws, harassing “stop-and-frisk” policies and the disproportionate incarceration of African Americans and Latinos – we can still feel the long arm of slavery. Today, we need a new Emancipation Proclamation, one much like the original, that comes out of protest against racial inequities in the present, with the promise of a more democratic future.

Salamishah Tillet, “The Emancipation Proclamation At 150: From Civil War To Civil Rights,” Comment Is Free 9/18/12

The recent controversy over Barney Frank accusing Log Cabin Republicans of being “Uncle Toms overlooks some important historical facts. Those facts are significant because his overlooking them reveals a lack of understanding of the differing contexts of oppression of LGBT people and people of color, particularly African Americans, that is widespread in the primarily white LGBT movement.

But first, as a gay man, I gotta give it to Mr. Frank. Log Cabin Republicans (called that in deference to Lincoln) are worthy of criticism. I may, like Mr. Frank, disagree with Republicans who happen to be LGBT, but I have the most profound disrespect for LGBT Republicans who serve as apologists for Republican bigotry.

But to call them “Uncle Toms?” That was just wrong.

Before speaking, Barney Frank should have considered the context of slavery out of which the character Uncle Tom comes. He was not voluntarily in the service of his master as are Log Cabin Republicans. Volition was something slaves were denied.

Moreover, Uncle Tom’s real life equivalents didn’t profit by their support of their masters. Slaves were property. According to the logic of slavery, they were nothing more than units of production. When they didn’t work, they were “fixed” through terrorism and violence, and when they wore out, they were discarded.

Women were regularly raped, and men sometimes castrated at the whims of their masters. Under such circumstances, a servile attitude is a form of self-defense. This survival strategy is not to be compared to Log Cabin Republicans whose agenda is more like self-aggrandizement.